Lecture 9 & Sternberg 2 Reading
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| we form imaginal maps based on | our physical interactions with & navigations through our physical environment
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| spatial cognition deals with | the acquisition & use of knowledge about objects & interactions in 2-D & 3-D space
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| cognitive maps are | internal representations of our physical environment particularly centering on spatial relationships
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| Tolman studied rats ability to learn a maze & showed that behavior is more than just stimulus-response associations | divided rats into 3 groups that varied on if they got a reward or not and the time they got one. the rats were learning a cognitive map of the maze that they used to travel it even when it changed
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| Tolman one of the earliest cognitive theorists argued for | the importance of the mental representations that give rise to behavior
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| research suggests that right hippocampus is involved in | sensitivity to global features of environment
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| humans use 3 types of knowledge when forming/using cognitive maps | landmark, route-road, & survey
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| landmark knowledge is | info about particular features at a location & may be based on imaginal & propositional representations
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| route-road knowledge is | specific pathways for moving from 1 location to another & may be based on procedural & declarative knowledge
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| survey knowledge involves | estimated distances between landmarks & may be represented imaginary or propositionally
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| people use both analogical & propositional code for | imaginal representations
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| heuristics are | cognitive strategies or rules of thumb that influence our estimates of distance & may reflect our perception of space & forms
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| in landmark knowledge the densities of landmarks appears to | affect our mental image of area
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| people estimate the distance between 2 places to be shorter when | traveling to a landmark than a non-landmark
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| distance estimations between particular physical locations weights | route-road knowledge more than survey knowledge
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| the use of heuristics in manipulating cognitive maps suggests that | propositional knowledge affects imaginal knowledge
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| Friedman & Brown where participants had to place cities on a map where the cities were clustered according to conceptual info found that | distortions reflect a tendency to regularize features of mental maps
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| right-angle bias | people tend to think of interactions as forming 90° angles more often that they do
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| symmetry heuristic | people think of shapes as more symmetrical than they are
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| rotation heuristic | when figures/boundaries are slightly slanted people tend to distort them as being more vertical/horizontal than they are
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| alignment heuristic | people tend to represent landmarks/boundaries that are slightly out of alignment by distorting mental images to be better aligned than they are
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| relative-position heuristic | relative positions of landmarks/boundaries distorted in mental images in ways that more accurately reflect peoples conceptual knowledge about contexts in which landmarks/boundaries are located, rather than reflecting the actual spatial configurations
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| there are differences between perceptual processes & | representational (imaginal/propositional) processes
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| semantic or propositional knowledge (or beliefs) can influence | our imaginal representations of world maps
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| propositional knowledge about semantic categories may affect | imaginal representations of maps
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| Hirtle studied the influence of semantic clustering on estimates of distances where | participants shown a map of many buildings & asked to estimate distances. they tended to distort distances by guessing shorter distances for more similar landmarks & longer distances for less similar landmarks
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| we are able to create cognitive maps from verbal description that are | as accurate as those made from visuals
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| various forms of mental representation are sometimes considered | mutually exclusive
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| we often create false dichotomies where we suggest alternatives are mutually exclusive when | they might be complementary
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| compromise theory | propositional code in long-term memory, generate a depictive code to see what the object looks like
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| people remember much more | visual info than non-visual info
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| Shepard Experiment had subjects view 612 pictures, sentences, & words for 6 seconds each & then performed a recognition test | results found that our memory for pictures seems to be significantly better that our memory for words
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| visual memory is poor for | unimportant & unattended details
when stimuli lack meaning
when alternatives are similar
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| good recognition involves | attention to details
meaningfulness & relevancy of details
distinctive alternative
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| Richer code found that | more richer details does not help people remember visual info
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| basic argument of dual code hypothesis | natural to generate 2 diff codes for visual information but visual information people stick w/ 1. Having 2 codes provides 2 diff means of accessing that info & maybe thats why we access visual information better
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| in the dual code hypothesis concrete words can be coded | both verbally and non-verbally and are remembered better
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| in the dual code hypothesis abstract words can be coded | verbally but not non--verbally
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| in the dual code hypothesis memory is bad for unattended details because | we dont create verbal code for unattended features
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| in dual code hypothesis memory is bad when alternatives are similar because | visual code doesn't help
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| Jonides & Baum experiment found that people are good at | estimating distance using cognitive maps. They estimate things that are further apart to be further apart and things that are closer together to be closer together
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| heuristics are mental shortcuts that are | usually right but sometimes wrong
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