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AP Comp Gov - Mexico
Representation and Participation
Term | Definition |
---|---|
capitalinos | people raised in Mexico City; recent years, political elite have become more homogenous: drawn increasingly from the capitalinos |
tecnicos | fill the cabinets and upper level bureaucracy; studied economics, business, or public administration in the US |
compadrazgo | godparent; kinship ties are important in achieving top positions; many politically important families are interrelated, either through marriange or through the traditional rite of compadrazgo |
sexenios | turnover means that political elite is fluid; explains why Mexico didn't become a gerontocracy; medium age of cabinet ministers dropping |
presidentialist system | important public policies used to be initiated and shaped by the inner circle of presidential advisers before being presented for public discussions; most effective interest participation took place w/in upper levels of federal bureaucracy |
role of ruling party and labor unions | not to aggregate and articulate interests; limit the scope of citizens' demands on the goverment, mobilize electoral support, and distribute jobs and rewards to "clients' |
corporatist system | from 1930s to 2000; interest representation in which interest groups were part of the state structure |
conciquismo | local boss rule; election losses by PRI since 90s demonstrated dysfunctional nature of corpratist sys; still dominates politics in majority of states using this, patron-client relationships, labor movement, selective repression of dissidents. |
Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) | intended to reduce conflict between contenders for public office and to consolidate power of central gov; dominated Mex politics for 70 years; mass-based party, especially loved by peasants and workers |
reasons for decline of PRI | inability to distance itself from unpopular austerity policies of 90s; eliminating of slush fund "la partida secreta"; Federal Electoral Institute separated from executive branch; demographic change (more urban and educated) |
National Action Party (PAN) | opposed to centralization and anticlericalism of PRI; strong in north and some central; "center-right" with strong elements of Christian socialism |
PANista legislation adopted by PRI governments | increased prop representation in both chambers of congress; autonomous electoral courts; increased municipal autonomy; self-governance in Mex City; liberalization of social security programs, etc |
Vicente Fox | moderate-progressive PAN president; PAN organization was weak, not united in backing him; didn't have a majority in congress, main challenged to Fox's policy agenda |
Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) | outgrowth of moderate socialist parties of Mexican left; internal squabbling in 80s; greater importance as viable third party |
challenges for PRD | until 2000, took positions left of ruling party, since it has been more radical; ties to rural areas underdeveloped; internal rivalries; leftist ideology alienated many who fear radical socialist agenda |
General Election of 2012 | President: FPTP for a sexino Chamber of Deputies: 500; 300 FPTP, 200 prop rep with 3 yr term Senate: 128 members w/3 per state FPTP, 32 prop rep for 6 year term |
Candidates for 2012 pres election | PRI: Enrique Peña Nieto; former gov of Mex's most populous state PRD: López Obrador; came in second PAN: Vázquez Mota; unpopular b/c of drug war associated with PAN, came in third |
challenges for PAN | worst presidential showing since 1988 |
challenges for PRD | strong overall showing, but very fractious party; tensions between moderate wing and more radical groups surrounding López Obrador |
why did PRI win? | national party until PAN or PRD; avoided fragmentation unlike competition; identification w/PRI grew when PAN became unpopular b/c drug violence |
challenges for PRI | diminish drug trafficking related violence; follow through on promise to provide effective government to address serious economic problems; victory doesn't represent return of 'old PRI' |